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“I am an independent service provider to the Mossack Fonseca law firm as well as a number of other law firms.I am not the Miami office of Mossack Fonseca nor am I an employee of that organization.(In fact, the Brazilian attorney general had indicted Octávio and 36 others for bribery, money laundering and corruption the previous year.) Barbosa also said that Octávio’s political party had been targeted because it opposed the governing Workers’ Party.“[Octávio] is one of the most accomplished entrepreneurs in Brasília, Brazil, and ALL of his money came and comes from his business activities,” Barbosa wrote.But they can’t knowingly facilitate money laundering, according to U. law and guidelines established by the legal industry.Santini, whose Linked In page says she started working with Mossack Fonseca in Miami in 2004, often seemed unaware of who her customers were, according to the leaked files. An invoice from January 2013 shows that Santini helped incorporate more than 200 companies between August and December 2012 in the British Virgin Islands, Samoa and the Seychelles, all offshore havens.
Mossack Fonseca is just one firm among many that set up offshores. Olga Santini, the Miami representative for Panama-based law firm Mossack Fonseca, works out of a two-bedroom unit at the Palace, a waterfront tower on Brickell Avenue.Mossack Fonseca specializes in setting up offshores for the world’s rich and powerful.I cannot address any particular client issues except to say that it is my practice to conduct significant due diligence on my clients and it is my personal policy to fully comply with the letter and spirit of the law in every jurisdiction.” Although Santini said she’s not an MF employee, she used a company email address to correspond with clients.She spoke at an anti-money-laundering conference in Miami in 2009 as a “representative of Mossack Fonseca.” And a post on the firm’s website from 2014 describes her as “Ms.